AI as a common good

AI as a common good

AI as a common good 1600 900 Aether Strategies

The announcement made by US Senator Bernie Sanders regarding the American AI Sovereign Wealth Fund Act constitutes one of the most significant political events of the year 2026.

In an op-ed published in the New York Times, Sanders proposes creating a national sovereign wealth fund financed by a one-time 50% levy on the stock of artificial intelligence giants (OpenAI, Anthropic, xAI, and others) so that the entire American population holds a direct stake in these companies. The scope of this move extends far beyond the borders of the United States. For African states, this bill is as much a wake-up call as it is an invitation to rethink technological sovereignty.

AI as the product of humanity’s collective labor

At the core of the Sanders proposal lies a radical philosophical assertion. Sanders establishes that the training datasets for large AI models were compiled from the intellectual, artistic, and journalistic works of millions of people around the world—without explicit consent, compensation, or negotiation. A large-scale extraction: legal in its forms, illegitimate in its foundations. This is not a technical argument. It is an argument of justice.

For African nations, this argument resonates with a disturbing familiarity. For centuries, the continent’s economies have been structured around the exact same logic: raw material extraction, capturing added value elsewhere, and returning crumbs. Congo’s coltan powers the servers that run AI models.

The continent’s literary works, languages, and traditional knowledge have been integrated into training datasets without African populations seeing the slightest benefit. AI, as it is being deployed today, reproduces the colonial grammar of extraction.

A partial nationalization disguised as a sovereign wealth fund

Under Sanders’ proposal, the federal government would hold voting shares in AI companies and be equally represented on their boards of directors. The revenue generated by the fund would be redistributed to American citizens through direct payments. The structure is that of a sovereign wealth fund, modeled on Norway or the Alaska Permanent Fund. But the substance is something else entirely: it is a partial nationalization of dominant players in a strategic sector. Through its voting rights, the government would have the power to block decisions harmful to citizens and push for policies that serve them. This is the very definition of public control over a common good.

This conceptual shift is decisive. For decades, the term “nationalization” was demonized by international financial institutions as incompatible with growth, development, and investment attractiveness. The structural adjustment programs imposed on Africa starting in the 1980s massively dismantled state-owned enterprises and sovereign industrial policies.

Today, it is a progressive US senator bringing the idea back into circulation, wrapped in modern attire, applying it to the most dynamic and promising sector of the global economy. This is not nostalgic ideology. It is a rational response to an unprecedented concentration of power.

An American debate, universal stakes

Critics have noted that while Sanders frames AI as a product of global knowledge, his sovereign wealth fund would exclusively benefit American citizens. This is a real limitation, and African decision-makers must not ignore it. Sanders’ redistributive logic stops at national borders. It provides no compensation mechanism for nations whose human resources, linguistic data, or intellectual works fed these models. In this sense, even a progressive American reform can keep African states in the position of invisible suppliers.

Yet, the debate it initiates is of invaluable strategic worth. The concept of a sovereign wealth fund funded by stakes in tech companies had already been mentioned by industry players themselves, notably Sam Altman of OpenAI, and by Anthropic, which had advocated for national sovereign funds holding equity in AI companies. This emerging consensus—between progressive regulators and industry actors—shapes a new framework of legitimacy.

African governments that draw on this framework to formulate their own equity demands in AI deployments on their soil would not be starting from a fringe position. They would be joining an emerging global trend.

Key takeaways for African states

Three core lessons emerge:
1. AI ownership is now a legitimate political question, even in the United States. African governments raising the same questions (Who owns the models deployed in our territory? Who captures the value generated by our data?) will no longer be accused of anti-modernism or ideological bias. They are part of a broader structural movement toward global regulation. The time is right to build an African doctrine of algorithmic sovereignty.

2. Sanders warns that AI could eliminate nearly 100 million American jobs within a decade, and his office published a report to that effect. In Africa, where the job market is even more vulnerable to technological disruptions and youth represents the most precious demographic resource, the imperative for AI governance is even more urgent. Allowing tech giants to deploy their tools freely without a value-sharing framework is setting the stage for a new wave of structural impoverishment.

3. The Sanders proposal serves as a reminder that sovereign wealth funds are an effective industrial policy tool. Africa has its own funds, often backed by extractive resources. The question is whether countries like Nigeria, Angola, Botswana, or Kenya can consider conditioning access to their digital markets and data on equity stakes in the tech companies exploiting them. This is not a pipe dream; it is strategic negotiation.

Building the doctrine before the rules are written

History teaches a cruel lesson: nations that lack a doctrine when global rules are negotiated inherit the rules of others. Africa missed negotiating the terms of the industrial economy. It suffered under the rules of global trade. It cannot afford to miss negotiating the terms of the algorithmic economy. Sanders states it with cutting clarity: decisions that shape humanity’s technological future cannot remain the exclusive preserve of a few Californian offices. What Sanders asserts for America, African states must champion as a universal demand.

The Vermont senator’s proposal will not save Africa. It does not claim to. But it provides a language, a sense of legitimacy, and a precedent. It champions AI conceived as a common good, governed in the public interest, and subject to public representation. This principle, articulated at the heart of the American tech empire, now belongs to everyone. It is up to African leaders to seize it, translate it into their own institutional frameworks, and bring it to multilateral negotiations (at the African Union, UN, WTO) before the rules of the game are permanently set without them.

AI is the new frontier of sovereignty. The American debate has just made it official. Africa must now take a stand.

By Esimba Ifonge

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